Here are some media coverages of the upcoming constitutional referendum in Kenya.

Video: NCIC Peace (Kenya Citizen TV – July 25, 2010)
The National Cohesion and Integration Commission (NCIC) is now warning of the danger of underlying pre-referendum tension in parts of the country triggering violence and is asking the government to act fast ahead of the 4th August referendum. The commission is a member of the Uwiano platform for peace which has raised the red flag after gauging the potential of conflict in parts of the country ahead of the referendum. Sylvia Chebet gives us a sneak preview of those hotspot areas.

Video: Agenda 5 in Isiolo – Part One (KTN – July 26, 2010)
Watch the other parts of this discussion.

Kenya’s constitutional referendum: A chance to improve how Kenya is run (The Economist – July 29, 2010)

One of the biggest proposed changes is the devolution of power to the new counties. They will have roughly the same boundaries as the 46 existing districts but each will have a governor, extra staff and a senator who will sit in a newly created senate serving as the upper house of parliament. Allies of President Mwai Kibaki, who has called for a yes vote, are at pains to emphasise that the new arrangement does not mean a fully fledged federal system: the counties will implement policies put forward by the central government … Read More.

Dr. Beyan Asoba, the spokesperson of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and a member of the National Council of the OLF, was interviewed by the Voice of Oromo Liberation (VOL – Sagalee Bilisummaa Oromoo/SBO) about the resolutions passed by the OLF 4th National Council Session. The interviews were separately conducted in Afan Oromo and Amharic; both originally aired on VOL on July 25 and July 28, 2010, respectively.

- Listen to the Afan Oromo interview:

- Listen to the Amharic interview:

- Source: SBO (Voice of Oromo Liberation)

Mr. Leenco Lata, the former Deputy Secretary of the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and one of the founders of the OLF, was interviewed by ESAT. ESAT is a London-based satellite TV station that has so far adopted the one-language policy of the pre-1991 Ethiopian Television (ETV), the state-owned propaganda tube in Ethiopia.

Mr. Leenco Lata stressed that “the fundamental precondition for electoral democracy does not exist in Ethiopia;” the fundamental precondition is consensus on how Ethiopia should be constituted (”common understanding of the state”), i.e. the Ethiopian state must be restructured in a fashion acceptable to all stakeholders before any talk of electoral democracy.

The three-part interview is given below.

PART ONE:

PART TWO:

PART THREE:

Dr. Asafa Jalata has authored and/or edited eight books, published several referred articles, and contributed chapters to quite a few books on issues related to the Oromo people and Oromia.

Gadaa.com is honored to interview Dr. Asafa Jalata about his new book, “Contending Nationalisms of Oromia and Ethiopia: Struggling for Statehood, Sovereignty, and Multinational Democracy,” and the current state of the Oromo nation with topics covering “Ethiopianism as oppressor nationalism,” the roles of Oromo in ending the Ethiopian political slavery, the economic violence unleashed on Oromia (including the appalling land grabs), the human rights violations against the Oromo people, the significance of an AFD-like alliance, and the reconciliation efforts and future of the Oromo national political leadership.

Gadaa.com: Tell us what your new book, “Contending Nationalisms of Oromia and Ethiopia: Struggling for Statehood, Sovereignty, and Multinational Democracy,” covers at this critical time in the Horn of Africa.

The book is available on Amazon.com:
Contending Nationalisms of Oromia and Ethiopia: Struggling for Statehood, Sovereignty, and Multinational Democracy

Prof. Asafa Jalata: My latest book deals with the issues of contending nationalisms of Oromia and Ethiopia, and considers Ethiopian nationalism as state or oppressor nationalism and Oromo nationalism as oppressed nationalism. It also demonstrates how oppressor Ethiopian nationalism rationalizes and justifies the hierarchical organization of various peoples or ethnonations, and how oppressed Oromo nationalism provides for the Oromo nation an ideology or a vision and a program for seeking self-determination and sovereignty by radically transforming the Ethiopian colonial state and its racist political structures and by promoting a multinational democracy.

Furthermore, it examines how the Ethiopian colonial state has denied structural assimilation (accesses to valued resources) and political and citizenship rights to the Oromo based on the ideology of Ethiopianism (chauvinism and racism) and other factors and contributed to the development of the collective political consciousness of Oromummaa (Oromo culture, identity, and nationalism).

Ethiopian nationalism of the Amhara and Tigrayan peoples has been used in creating and maintaining the Ethiopian Empire and in keeping the Oromo and others as colonial subjects. Oromummaa emerged and developed to challenge the Ethiopian state and change the subordinate position of the Oromo nation. As a cultural and nationalist ideology, Oromummaa promotes the principles of national self-determination and multinational democracy and fights against the Ethiopian colonial state. The case of the Oromo national struggle demonstrates how the dominated peoples have struggled against the states that have suppressed cultural diversity and intensified oppression and exploitation in the name of common citizenship and cultural universalism.

Although this book focuses on the contending nationalisms of Oromia and Ethiopia, it briefly introduces other cases to provide a comparative and global perspective. Since studies of nationalism are complicated by competing ideologies and interpretations, this work goes beyond the artificial boundaries of the social sciences and intellectual paradigms by employing interdisciplinary, multidimensional, and historical and comparative methods, and critical approaches that include political economy, multiculturalism, and critical theoretical and historical methodology.

This book is in eight chapters. Chapter I analyzes the features and problems of ethnonationalism in the global context. It explains how the existing bodies of theories and literature on ethnonationalism mainly reflect the views and interests of the colonizing/oppressing ethnonations and their states at the cost of the dominated ethnonations. The chapter demonstrates the inadequacy of information, knowledge, and theory in the study of nationalism by questioning the validity of the global “moderninzing” projects of modernization theorists and some Marxists, and by addressing the question of ethnonationalism from the perspective of the colonized/ dominated peoples.

Chapter II explores the impact of the racist ideology of Ethiopianism that claims to promote black freedom theoretically while racializing the Ethiopian state practically through external dependency and domestic terrorism on the Oromo and other dominated peoples. It specifically explains how, through the processes of Abyssiniznization/Ethiopianization and Christianization, successive Ethiopian state elites have racialized their own identity and those of the indigenous Africans they have colonized and dominated. The chapter also explains how the Oromo are challenging Ethiopianism through developing Oromummaa (culture, nationalism, and vision) to liberate the mentality of all Africans, the African Diaspora, and others from racism and to achieve for the Oromo and others national self-determination and multinational democracy.

Chapter III critically explores four interrelated issues: first, it focuses on the emergence of the Abyssinian/Ethiopian state and Amhara-Tigray colonialism, and explains how the convergence of identity, ideology, religion, and political power created the political culture of authoritarianism in the “traditional” Amhara-Tigray society and shaped the essence and characteristics of this state. Second, it explains how the Euro-American intervention on the side of Amhara-Tigray successive state elites, by ignoring the life and liberty of the populace, has distorted the nature of the Ethiopian state and made it an illegitimate state. Third, it explains the essence and consequences of the Contending Nationalisms of Oromia and Ethiopian policies and practices of political authoritarianism in Abyssinia proper and state terrorism in the colonized parts of the Ethiopian Empire.

Finally, it explores why the Ethiopian state has lacked internal political legitimacy, and how its policies and practices of political authoritarianism and state terrorism have undermined the processes of peace and development, and proposes some pragmatic policies to boldly confront and solve these complex and difficult political problems.

Chapter IV examines the essence and characteristics of cities and urban centers in Oromia and the major consequences of the centralization and concentration of Amhara-Tigray political power in multinational Ethiopia. It also explores the features of Oromian urban communities, the process of urban underdevelopment, and the effects of political repression and state terrorism on the Oromo.

Chapter V explores why Ethiopia as an empire is on the verge of collapse because of the competing nationalisms of Oromia and Ethiopia. It explains the essence of Oromo nationalism by focusing on the relationship between Ethiopia and global powers to situate the Oromo question in the global context. The chapter also explains how the Tigrayan-led Ethiopia currently practices state terrorism and gross human rights violations to control the Oromo and Oromia and transfer their resources to Tigrayans and their supporters while claiming the promotion of democracy.

Chapter VI identifies and discusses the processes through which the oppressed nationalisms and social justice movements of the Oromo in Ethiopia, African Americans in the U.S., and Southern and Western Sudanese in Sudan emerged and developed, and the successes and failures of these movements in a global and comparative perspective. It focuses on and explains how the racialized capitalist world system and its political structures facilitated the creation of the states of the U.S., Ethiopia, and Sudan, and legalized racial/ethnonational hierarchies, colonialism, oppression, exploitation, and continued subjugation. Furthermore, it explores comparatively the processes of developments, objectives, and outcomes of these movements.

Chapter VII explores the development of the problem of Oromo national political leadership, institutions and organizations in their historical and contemporary context. It focuses on examining the dialectical interplay between Ethiopian colonial structures and the human agency of the Oromo people in developing Oromummaa and fighting against the racist ideology of Ethiopianism. The final chapter first explores the process of state formation in historic Oromia to identify the essence and characteristics of gadaa (Oromo democracy) and the moottii (kingdom) systems. Second, it focuses on explaining the impacts of global imperialism, Ethiopian colonialism, and the role of the Oromo clientele class on the process of state formation in Oromia. Third, the chapter demonstrates the immediate challenges to the recreation of an Oromia state whose sovereignty is shared with other peoples that accept the principles of national self-determination, the rule of law, and multinational democracy. Fourth, it demonstrates why, in Oromia and beyond, the refining and adapting of certain gadaa principles to the processes of state formation and building are necessary for the construction of a democratic government.

This chapter also illustrates the urgency of developing an Oromian national assembly, a national Gumii Oromiyaa, patterned after the Gumii Gayyo (multitudes of national assemblies) in southern Oromia so as to transform the unwritten Oromo constitutional order into a written one. The purpose is to revitalize the Oromo national movement with the goals of defeating Ethiopian colonialism and the Oromo clientele class, and forming the democratic state to achieve national sovereignty, security, and sustainable socioeconomic development in Oromia and beyond.

Interview Continues to the Next Page

The article can be read on pages 1, 2 and 5 of the following pdf document.

Awramba Times

Abstract
It is almost two decades since Somalia started the unpleasant journey to nowhere. The conflict which started either as political, tribal or/and ideological differences overthrown the Mohamed Siad Barre national government and opened a way for a protracted anarchy. Few or none have forecast the danger of that relatively minor violence until it forced couple of UN missions to quit after heavy loss, changed its face from time to time and reached the today’s multimillion dollar ‘business’ or ‘crime’ of piracy.

Today the world knows Somalia due to the reality of migration and decades of conflict. It is also possible to say Somalia is the security risk, from different perspective; to the Africans, to the western superpowers and the international community.

The case of Somalia is a serious loss and mess to a lot of groups. The USA has suffered its military reputation when it intervened to withdraw shortly with big resistance and shock. The UN, AU and other international organizations have played their part to reinstate Somalia but the real Somalia is still a dream and violence is escalating. Moreover, the intervention of Ethiopia complicated the case and energized the extremist.

But what is the real problem of Somalia? Can a country roughly speaking one language and adheres to the same Muslim religion be branded as a failed state due to clan? What was the UN response to that crisis and what was the effect of countless effort to restore peace and stability in Somalia? What is the role of Ethiopia in the history of Somalia and the legality of its military intervention in 2006? How can a trouble in one country be a concern to the international community? What will be the share of Somalia’s and the International Community to restore Somalia? This and other related issues will be discussed briefly in this paper entitled “Internal Conflict with International Dimensions: The case of Somalia”

– To read the full paper, click here (pdf file).

* Hunde D. Gabissa is an LLM student in Advanced Studies in European Law, Ghent University, Law Faculty, and can be reached via jajjabee430@gmail.com.

Abyssinian empire’s colonial or domination history, which started at the end of the nineteenth century together with the European colonizers’ scramble for Africa, has not yet come to end. Europeans could formally give up their colonies, though they still do indirectly control and influence every political, economical and social life of their respective colonies, because of the liberation struggles of the colonized nations and the support subjugated nations got from the socialist bloc during the Cold War. The only black de facto participant of the Berlin conference on the scramble for Africa, i.e. the black colonizer Abyssinia is still enjoying the status quo, just because of the neglection from the so called international community regarding the dominated nations in the empire in general and concerning the Oromo nation in particular.

Despite this neglection, the empire’s oppressed peoples being guided by their liberation movements, even including the masses of the two Abyssinian nations being led by the very few democratically thinking Habesha elites, did struggle against all forms of domination, injustice and tyranny. They struggled together against the European colonizers like at the Adwa Battle and the patriotic fighting against the Italian occupation during the World War II, against the feudal monarchy as shown during the Students’ Movement, and against the communist military regime; and this struggle is still going on against the present fascist apartheid administration of Meles Zenawi.

Unfortunately, this fascist administration could rule for the last twenty years, specially by using the divide-and-rule method. It could divide the opposition against its rule into three main blocs: the left oriented unionist liberators, including all liberation fronts of the oppressed nations – particularly the Oromo, the middle positioned democratic federalists now organized under MEDREK and the right oriented unitarist patriots, which comprises of all forces emphasizing the unconditional unity of the empire. The elites in these three blocs of the opposition couldn’t forge a lasting alliance against the fascists for the fact that it is easy to polarize them and make them fight against each other. The ruling administration is always busy producing articles and dispatching cadres being camouflaged as either the unionist liberators fighting against the unitarist patriots, or the vice versa.

It is because of such activities that the hitherto formed alliances like AFD could fail and the existing alliances like MEDREK are not as effective as intended. All individuals and organizations opposing the fascist apartheid regime should develop a common ground to cooperate and to tackle the regime’s divide-and-rule machination. I think after many years of debate and discussion, they are getting the common ground, i.e. the two-phase struggle: the first phase of liberation from fascism, and the second phase of democratization. Talking now, being under the apartheid rule, about the democratization process is simply self-deception to say the least. Some organizations got this fact earlier during the election in 1992, and the others realized it lately, and the election in 2010 being the final evidence for the fact that any attempt of democratization under the fascist regime is a pipe dream.

Interesting is to observe that even the oppressed people of Amhara and their democratic leaders have started to taste what it means to live under domination; even few of them have started to call the present fascistic domination as Tigrean colonization. Note that Tigreans under the domination of Amhara elites till 1991 felt the same. This recent political process among the currently oppressed Amhara people and the movement of even the very few reasonable Tigreans against this Weyane fascism are encouraging developments. Peoples in the empire in general, and politicians of each nation in the empire in particular, seem to pass through a sort of political evolution.

When we do observe the politics of the empire, we may face it or evade it, but the national question is the only conflict area. All peoples and politicians in the empire, except the tyrants, do agree on the political values like democracy, freedom, human rights, justice, good governance, etc., but the hitherto dominating Habesha elites are not ready to agree with Oromo and other oppressed nations on the question of national freedom of each people in the empire. That is why I do suggest to all concerned to have a look into the political evolution, which is regarding mainly the Oromo people, but which can also be applied to other nations. We like it or not, all Oromo individuals and Oromo institutions do pass through a certain political evolution process, from level one to level five of the following Oromo political evolution:

- the first level of the evolution is that of those who do support the unitary Abyssinian colonial empire as Oromo and others in the Habesha dominated organizations like AEUP, EPPF, EPRP, G-7 and UDJ. They do deny the existence of Oromia, but cry only about imiye Ethiopia.

- the second level of those acting like OPDO, who do claim to be Oromo and believe in the existence of Oromia, but do accept and adore Abyssinian rule over the occupied Oromia.

- the third level of those acting like OFC, who do claim to be Oromo and demand Oromian autonomy at least within Ethiopian union.

- the fourth level of those acting like ULFO and do claim the unconditional Oromian independence in a form of an independent Gadaa Repubic, disregarding the possibility for a union of independent nations.

- the fifth level of those searching to foster the Oromian union as planned by AFD, i.e. a union of independent nations in the Horn for common economical benefit, which brings all Oromo in the Horn together.

Then, we may ask: at which levels of the Oromo political evolution are the Oromo people and politicians as well as the peoples and polities of other nations moving? It is clear that a lot of Amhara elites move at the first level, the majority of Tegaru elites at the second level, and most of those from the other peoples taking differentially the levels from the third to the fifth. Despite these differences, the recent call of OLF for an alliance is a nice take. OLF itself seems to be flexibly moving between the third, the fourth and the fifth levels of the Oromo political evolution based on the timing of the geopolitical situation of the region. This Oromo vanguard organization is the promoter of Oromian union (the name based on the biological origin of the majority in the area) = Horn union (the name based on the geographical origin) = Kush union (the name according to Hebrew) = Kas union (according to old Egypt) = Ethiopian union (a designation according to Greeks).

It is because of this attempt of OLF in promoting both the national independence of Oromo and the regional union of the Horn that some Oromo scholars have started to talk about a “paradigm shift,” and even few Habesha oriented scholars like Dr. Berhanu Nega are now trying to join them. It is not bad that at last one of the leaders of the Habesha-dominated unitarist parties is ready to come to the Oromo conference of OSA and discuss with Oromo. I think the topic of the upcoming OSA-conference is also really good: “Rethinking the Urgency of Paradigm Shift for Democracy, Human Rights and Social Justice in the Age of Intensified Globalization.”

But what do the concerned people mean by “paradigm shift”? Shift of Kaayyoo or shift of Karaa to the Kaayyoo? At which levels of the Oromo political evolution are the panelists and participants moving? How many of the Oromo individuals taking part in Oromo politics and the Oromo institutions they do represent have completed their political evolution process? I know there are some who have already completed their evolution, but tactically make the rhetoric of the lower levels of the evolution. But yet, there are some who are still convinced to live and to move at the lower level of the Oromo political evolution. Which one of the positions, be it compelled or convinced, is the position of the Oromo politicians in general? From those living and moving at lower levels, the position of the compelled ones is to consider the lower levels as their tactical goal because of the compelling political situation and the position of the convinced ones is to accept the lower levels as their strategical goal based on their political conviction.

Even though we consider the step taken by OLF to foster a new alliance against the apartheid regime as a nice measure, I still recommend that Oromo liberation forces first try to promote their own unity like the imperative re-unification of OLF factions. After such unity, it is more easy and politically expedient if we form and strengthen the necessary coalition with forces of other oppressed nations as well even if we forge an alliance with the forces of the Abyssinian democrats as just now planned by OLF. But, whenever we try to form a coalition with other liberation forces of oppressed nations and foster an alliance with democratic forces of Abyssinian nations, we should be conscious enough that our Oromo’s reservation, i.e. our minimal demand, our bottom line or our tactical Kaayyoo is “Oromian autonomy within Ethiopian union”; that we know our Oromo’s goal, interest, i.e. with what we will be satisfied or our CORE-Kaayyoo is “Oromian independence in a form of Gadaa republic”; and that we consider our Oromo’s target or position, i.e. the best, the optimal, the maximum we could possibly attain or our strategical Kaayyoo is “Oromian (Horn) union of independent nations.”

Taking all these facts into consideration, now is the right time for all the opposition forces against the fascist regime to forge an Alliance for Liberation and Democratization (ALD). No question that all these forces do agree on the liberation of all citizens and nations in the empire from tyranny. This move as a first phase does contradict with the political program of none of them. So, no one of them is compelled to change its program in order to foster such an alliance. But, I know the political programs of the three opposition blocs do vary specially on the final types of sovereignty they want to achieve for their respective nations or for the empire during the second phase, the phase of democratization: the unionists want to achieve a union of independent nations in the Horn, the federalists want a union of autonomous nations in the Ethiopian empire, and the unitarists want to achieve a unitary Ethiopia devoid of national autonomy or national independence for each nation in the empire.

I think this difference of the the three blocs must be left for the public verdict in the second phase, i.e. during the phase of democratization after the liberation from fascism, apartheid and tyranny. After liberation, the alliance should be in agreement to establish democratic institutions and facilitate for citizens and nations to decide democratically on the types of sovereignty all nations in the empire should have. An independence of any nation without a public verdict is like an amputation of a limb, an autonomy within a federation without public verdict is bantustanization, and a unitary state without public verdict is like a colonial amalgamation killing the identities of nations. So, any individual or organization who preaches freedom and democracy (like almost all in the opposition are doing now) should be ready to accept and respect such public verdicts. If not, they will only replace the tyranny of Tigrean elites with the tyranny of either Amhara elites, or Oromo elites or with tyranny of the elites of other nations in the empire.

If we want to have a lasting solution for that cursed region and to prosper together, there is no other way preferable to this move of liberation and democratization. I am sure that only the ruling tyrants and the tyrants who want to replace them are against this move. The genuine and matured democrats should be ready to accept and respect the decisions of the peoples during the democratization phase, be it that the public verdicts lead to a peaceful separation like that of Czech republic and Slovakia, or to a peaceful unification like that of East Germany and West Germany. The alternative to this civilized and modern way of achieving national independence and regional union is the cycle of replacing one dictator of one nation dominating other nations by another dictator of another nation at gunpoint as the Abyssinian elites of Amhara and Tegaru used to do. This alternative is, of course, the prolongation of the misery and poverty for all citizens and nations in the Horn. It is up to us to choose either the first way of liberation and democratization or the alternative way, which will lead us to further colonization and domination.

If we choose the way of liberation and democratization, then I think now is a good time for the formation of the necessary alliance to fight against our tormenting fascist rulers and to move forward. Now is the time, when almost all opposition groups have understood that the tyrants are not ready to give up power per ballot, to allow any sort of freedom for citizens and nations in the empire, or to be open for the necessary democratization process. It is now good timing to initiate the formation of an all-inclusive alliance against the evil of the region and challenge it in a form of a coordinated civil disobedience, armed struggles and public uprisings. All genuinely democratic and pro-freedom opposition groups will have no better timing than now to come together, and to seek a lasting solution for the most troubled part of the globe. Wake up all, it is good timing!

Galatooma!

* Fayyis Oromia can be reached at fayyis@yahoo.de.

George Abbu brings a refreshing voice into Oromo music; and Dawite has once again shown his sincerity to songwriting in Hidda Keenya. George Abbu is based in Oromia.

For more info, contact Dawite Records at 612-227-2865 in Minneapolis, Minnesota.

Here are samples from George Abbu’s new music CD:

The 4th annual Run For Oromia 5000M and 10,000M races were held on July 17, 2010 in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Two contrary facts were witnessed at the event. On one hand, the number of non-Oromo participants was so high; on the other, there were a few Oromos at the event. This has been what had attracted my attention and even obliged me to raise my pen. In this year race, the high non-Oromo turnout is so encouraging. As we can simply realize from the list of the participants, the great majority of them had been non-Oromos. This shows that the mission of Run For Oromia race, which is “To represent and promote the Oromo culture, value friendship, education, create opportunities for the future and honor the greatest Oromo athletes of all time,” is succeeding.

However, the low Oromo turnout at the race was so shameful. Alas! What is wrong with that? It was not a RUN FOR ABYSSINIA, a RUN FOR CHINA, or a RUN FOR ANY OTHER COUNTRY. It was just a RUN FOR OROMIA! RUN FOR OROMIA belongs to the Oromo. But Oromos were almost absent from the event. As an Oromo, I feel ashamed to hear such disappointing news!

In Minnesota, the state in the U.S.A. where a large number of Oromos (approximately, more than 20,000) resides, it is really disappointing to hear that hardly any Oromo has participated in this important event. The reason why Minneapolis was chosen as a venue for the annual race had been due to the large number of Oromos residing in the State. Its aim has been to enable them to participate at the event in their residence city, without any travel expense. As Obbo Mike Abebe, an Oromo nationalist who founded the Oliqaa Foundation, the sponsor of Run For Oromia, had told one of the Oromo media outlets over the last weekend, in the State that about 20,000 Oromos resided, the number of Oromos who had participated in the race was around ten. More than 95% of them had been non-Oromo Americans. Dear readers! Isn’t it disappointing?

As I know, July 17th, the date scheduled for the race, had not been taken by any other Oromo related event. It was a free weekend that anybody could come and attend the event – either by participating in the race or by making acclamations for the runners. Even if there had been another Oromo related events on the same day, Run For Oromia would be given a higher priority or at least it would not be undermined by Oromos. Because:

1. Run For Oromia is the only event that invites non-Oromos to participate in order to introducing the Oromo nation and its beautiful country-Oromia to the world society.
2. The event takes place annually by the sole sponsorship of the Oliqaa Foundation that does not demand the Oromo community for any financial or material assistance. The only role of community members is to gather at the event for entertainment.
3. It is an magnificent program founded and organized by a single Oromo nationalist who should be encouraged and praised for his grateful efforts.
4. To value such Oromummaa activists has a respectful meaning. It’s one of the ways we encourage the Oromo businessmen/women to follow Obbo Mike Abebe’s footsteps.

I urge the Minnesotan Oromo community not to undermine these facts. We should believe that the term RUN FOR OROMIA bears the most important messages both to Oromos and non-Oromos. Everybody knows that the name of Ethiopia is on the top position in 5000M and 10,000M in the history of international athletics. It is also well known that most of the greatest athletes, who have put Ethiopia on the top position, are from Oromia. So, the term RUN FOR ORMIA here has a harmonized tone that tells those athletic heroes, ‘Hey, don’t waste your time and energy running for others honor, just run (also) for your OROMIA instead’. At the same time, it calls on non-Oromos to come to run for the voiceless Oromia, because Oromia is the source of many of the world’s greatest long-distance athletes of all time.

So, we all should be proud of our RUN FOR OROMIA race. We should not to forget how the Habesha elites feel bad when they hear the name RUN FOR OROMIA and when they see all the White, Black, Latino and other world races running FOR OROMIA at the event. If the race program would be RUN FOR ETHIOPIA, they know how to advertise it widely through their media outlets, as well as participating physically on the event in large numbers. (Here I would like to thank few Oromo websites, specially Gadaa.com, for their tireless efforts of advertising Oromo community events from all over the world as well as advertising other Oromo-related services for free.)

I have another important related issue to raise here. Obbo Mike Abebe, the founder of Oliqaa Foundation (sponsor of Run For Oromia) is a young Oromo nationalist who even could not get the opportunity to learn his mother tongue due to the fact that he was raised in Finfinne. However, despite his difficulties in speaking Afan Oromo, he knows well his Oromummaa and building its future – even more than some of us who were born and raised in deep Oromo society. As a wise and intelligent young Oromo businessman, he knows well what to invest on. Of course, he is the one who can be called as the best example for the rest Oromo businessmen/women. Such popular activists of Oromummaa should be praised and encouraged by all.

Dear Oromo Americans and all Oromo in the Diaspora (including Europe, Africa and Australia), especially those residing in Minnesota, please support Oromo events and activities. You have to be proud of taking part in events that introduce the Oromo to the world and to support them – at least morally. Help build a strong Oromo community by attending and participating in Oromo events; let us roll up our sleeves and work hard to make Oromummaa stronger than ever – starting from the next Oromo event (whether it’s a music show or civic meeting or other community gathering) in your city or State. Most definitely, we all expect high Oromo turnout at the 2011 RUN FOR OROMIA race, expected to be held in the same city, Minneapolis.

Finally, I want to put one short, but strong question that can be raised by a non-Oromo participant of the 2010 Run For Oromia:
“Where are the Oromos while we are running for them?”

Oromos, what is your answer? Let me breathe mine.
As we are Oromos, RUN FOR OROMIA must be always our business!

* Siiban Abbichuu, can be reached at abbichuuu@gmail.com

Among other issues, the interview covers in great detail about OLF’s renewed call for meaningful alliance with forces of liberation, freedom and democracy.

- Listen to the Afan Oromo interview:

- Listen to the Amharic interview:

- Source: SBO (Voice of Oromo Liberation)

The 2010 Oromo Cultural Show will have poems, fashion show, drama, hawwwisoo, and more. DON’T MISS IT!

For further inquiry, please call 612-242-9964.

The Oromia Youth Association (OromiaYouth.org)

Direction/Location:

View Larger Map

Past Performance (The OYA Hawwisoo Group at Minnesota State University’s African Night in Mankato, Minnesota):

Logo – Run For Oromia

The following are results of the 2010 4th annual Run For Oromia 5K and 10K road races, held on July 17, 2010 in Minneapolis, Minnesota.

The Run For Oromia 5K and 10K road race is established by the Oliqaa Foundation to represent and promote the Oromo culture, value friendship, education, create opportunities for the future and honor the greatest Oromo athletes of all time. The event is managed by Anderson Race Management.

Runners at the starting line (photo: Surraa)

More photos from the 2010 Run For Oromia event can be found here: WK Photography.

5K Overall Results:

10K Overall Results:

Results from Anderson Race Management:
- 5K Complete Results
- More 5K Awards
- 10K Complete Results
- More 10K Awards

Artist: Habtamu Lamu
Song: Tokko Qabiina
Album: Kommee
Director: Roba Geleto
Camera: Merga Geleto, Roba Geleto
Production: M&R Productions
www.mnrproductions.com

RELATED:
* Behind the Scenes Photos of Habtamu Lamu’s Tokko Qabna Video Shoot, Directed by Roba Geleto of M&R Productions
* Sensational Oromo Artist Habtamu Lamu Releasing Debut Album in July 2009 (Interview)

While some take the position that the OSA conference is a scholarly event to which all should be invited irrespective of their political views, others view the invitation of those who do not respect or recognize the group rights of the Oromo nation to an “Oromo” event as a disservice to the Oromo people.

Dr. Berhanu Nega is expected to deliver his work on “Ethnic Identity and Political Developments of the Last Two Decades” at the OSA conference, scheduled to be held in Washington-DC on July 31 and August 1.

The following video, originally aired on ESAT, shows Dr. Berhanu Nega’s brief remark on the Oromo struggle.

RELATED:
* Berhanu Nega should NOT be welcomed to participate at OSA conference – Argan Beekan (Oromo Affairs Blogger)
* Dr. Berhanu Nega should be welcomed to participate at OSA conference – Jawar S. Mohammed
* Oromo Affairs Blog Takes Issue with Dr. Birhanu Nega’s Attendance at OSA 2010
* The 2010 OSA Annual Conference Program – Howard University, Washington DC, on July 31 and August 1